Talk by Kim Tien Nguyen (Frankfurt)

We are happy to announce a talk by Kim Tien Nguyen (Frankfurt) in the Semantics Colloquium. The talk will take place on campus in IG 4.301. Title: An empirical study on the wide scope of topical singular indefinites in German Date: June 1, 2023 Time: 4 pm – 6 pm ct Abstract: Endriss (2009) postulates that indefinites marked as aboutness topics take wide scope. Two topic marking devices in German are left dislocation and intonational marking (through a rising accent on the indefinite determiner). By means of three forced choice experiments, the study presented in this talk aims to test Endriss’ (2009) theory. As experiment 1 and 2 could not serve the purpose of testing this theory well due to not accounting for the potential contrastive reading and not controlling for the logical implication between the indefinite wide scope and indefinite narrow scope reading, experiment 3 was conducted with a different design to address these issues. The results of experiment 3 then showed highly significant effects of sentence structure and intonation as topic marking devices that...
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CANCELLED – Talk by Kathryn Barnes (Frankfurt)

We are happy to announce a talk by Kathryn Barnes (Frankfurt) in the Semantics Colloquium. The talk will take place on campus in IG 4.301. Title: Ideophones as iconic mixed items Date: May 25, 2023 Time: 4 pm – 6 pm ct Abstract: This talk outlines a semantic analysis of ideophones in German, such as plitsch platsch and holteridpolter, as iconic mixed items, combining both arbitrary descriptive meaning and iconic depictive meaning. These ideophones are therefore similar to expressive mixed items, such as cur or Köter, which combine at-issue descriptive and non-at-issue expressive meaning. The at-issue status of the two meaning components in ideophones can, however, vary according to various factors, as outlined in Barnes et al. (2022).  This analysis builds on the experimental work conducted by Barnes et al. (2022) on the at-issue status of sentence-medial adverbial ideophones in German, which showed that such ideophones were default non-at-issue, and provides an account for how said factors influence the at-issue status of ideophones. This iconic mixed items analysis could in future be applied to other...
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Talk by Eric Fuß (RUB) in the Historical Linguistics Colloquium

We are very happy to announce a talk by Eric Fuß (RUB) in the Historical Linguistics colloquium. The talk will be in German. The talk will take place in person. Room IG 2.201 Title: " ...an denen du und dein himmlischer Vatter Lust haben mögest – Verbkongruenz mit Subjektreihungen in der Geschichte des Deutschen“. Time: 2pm - 4pm, 30.05.2023 Place: IG 2.201 Abstract: In vielen Sprachen führen Subjektreihungen wie du und Anna zu Kongruenzproblemen und einem großen Ausmaß an Variation und Sprecherunsicherheit (vgl. Morgan & Green 2005 zum Englischen, Fuß 2018 zum Deutschen). Die Wahl zwischen Resolution und Kongruenz mit einem einzelnen Konjunkt (Single Conjunct Agreement, SCA) hängt dabei häufig von der Position des Verbs ab: In vielen Sprachen wird SCA verfügbar oder ist sogar die bevorzugte Wahl, wenn das Verb dem komplexen Subjekt vorangeht (sog. First Conjunct Agreement, FCA; vgl. z. B. Aoun et al. 1994 für Arabisch, Munn 1999 für Englisch, van Koppen 2005 für Varietäten des Niederländischen, Nevins & Weisser 2019 für...
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Talk by  Ken Hiraiwa (Meiji Gakuin University Tokyo) in the Syntax Colloquium

We are happy to announce a talk by  Ken Hiraiwa (Meiji Gakuin University Tokyo) in the Syntax Colloquium. The talk will take place in person. Room IG 4.301 Date: May 22 Time: 2 pm – 4 pm ct Title: Sluicing and Countersluicing in Japanese Abstract: Ross (1969) showed that In sluicing, everything but a fronted wh-phrase is deleted. It has been controversial, however, how sluicing is derived in wh-in-situ languages like Japanese. I first outline Hiraiwa and Ishihara’s (2012) cleft analysis of sluicing, rejecting a wh-movement analysis (Takahashi 1994) and an in-situ analysis (Abe 2012). Crucial evidence comes from parallel patterns that immobile elements show in clefting and sluicing. After establishing that Japanese sluicing is built on clefting, I discuss what I call countersluicing. Countersluicing is a peculiar type of elliptical question in Japanese that is quite frequently used but has never been documented before. I show that it is exactly the opposite to sluicing in that (almost) everything but a wh-phrase survives deletion. I argue...
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