Author: Anke Himmelreich

We are very happy to announce the next talk in the Psycholinguistics Colloquium, which will take place on Monday, June 3, 2 – 4 pm in IG 2.201. Professor Elsi Kaiser (University of Southern California) will present „Asymmetries in referential behavior: A crosslinguistic look at personal and demonstrative pronouns“. Abstract: In this talk, I present a series of psycholinguistic experiments on pronouns and anaphoric demonstratives Indo-European and Finno-Ugric languages, and consider the implications of the results for current debates concerning the syntactic (DP/NP) structure of personal vs. demonstrative pronouns. Although English personal pronouns have received extensive attention in psycholinguistic research on reference resolution, many languages have more complex anaphoric paradigms with a richer set of pronoun types (e.g. Finnish and German demonstrative pronouns vs. personal pronouns). Based on psycholinguistic studies on Finnish, I proposed the form-specific multiple-constraints hypothesis, according to which different referential forms can have different form-specific referential biases. For example, Finnish personal pronouns tend to be interpreted as referring to the...

We are very happy to announce the next talk in the Syntax Colloquium, which will take place on Monday, May 3, 4 – 6 pm in IG 254. Priscilla Adenuga will present „Syntactic analysis of the external syntax of Adjectives in attributive positions in Ògè“.     You are cordially invited!...

We are very happy to announce the next talk in the Syntax Colloquium, which will take place on Monday, May 27, 4 – 6 pm in IG 254. Silvia Schaefer will present „Subject clitic doubling in North-Eastern Italian dialects displaying an agreement alternation in inversion“. Abstract: Subject clitic doubling in North-Eastern Italian dialects displaying an agreement alternation in inversion I will present a short introduction to the topic of subject clitic doubling along with data from two North-Eastern Italian dialects in particular (te dialects of Gazzolo and Ballò, both in the Veneto region) that display a systematic agreement alternation with postverbal subjects. The data shows that the two dialects differ in the decisive factors triggering (or rather not triggering) agreement and the doubling of a postverbal DP. The analysis will single out the decisive factors for clitic doubling and show the underlying mechanism for the full and defective agreement pattern in the dialects in question.   You are cordially invited!...

We are very happy to announce the next talk in the Semantic Colloquium, which will take place on Thursday, May 23, 4 – 6 pm in IG 4.301. Klaus von Heusinger (University of Cologne) will present „The dual-process activation model – the comprehension of definite and indefinite noun phrases“. Abstract: We argue that the comprehension of definite and indefinite noun phrases is best described within a dual-process model of referent activation. In a first process, a comprehender accesses the concept associated with the noun phrase’s descriptive material while, in a second process, the function of the noun phrase’s article guides the comprehender to select the denoted referent(s). Importantly, definite articles signal that there is a unique element that falls under the previously activated concept. In contrast, indefinite articles signal that there are (potentially) multiple referents for the previously activated concept. The dual-process model proposed here was tested in a visual-world eye-tracking experiment and an neurolinguistics experiment that tested the event related brain potentials....

We are very happy to announce the next talk in the Phonology Colloquium, which will take place on Wednesday, May 22, 4 – 6 pm in IG 4.301. Dr. Hannah Sande (Georgetown University) will present „An interface model of phonologically determined nominal concord“. Abstract: In Guébie (Kru, Niger-Congo) [Côte d'Ivoire] adjectives, as well as third person pronouns, phonologically resemble their antecedents. Phonologically determined nominal concord systems such as this one pose questions for 1) whether syntax can access phonological information (argued against since at least Zwicky and Pullum 1986) , and 2) the point at which nominal concord applies in the grammar. I show that with post-syntactic nominal concord operations (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014), underspecification of vocabulary items, and phonological constraints ensuring shared features between morphosyntactically agreeing elements, we can account for phonologically determined concord without requiring syntax to be sensitive to phonological information. You are cordially invited!...