Online-Talk by Jan Köpping (GU) – April 30, Thursday 4-6 pm

We are happy to announce a talk by Jan Köpping  (GU) next thursday at the Semantics Colloquium. Please find an abstract below. Since this talk will be held online, please note that you need to register beforehand. To do so, please send an email to koepping@em.uni-frankfurt.de before April 29. You will receive a reply with the access data (to zoom) on thursday at 4pm (= immediately before the colloquium starts). Title: Transparent Negation: Retroactive specification and zilch Date: April 30th Time: 4pm - 6pm Abstract: Judging from examples like the following, negation seems to be capable of blocking the accessibility of potential antecedents in its scope for anaphoric pronouns in subsequent discourse.   (1) No man walks in the park. *He whistles. (2) Peter doesn't own a car. *It's too expensive. On the other hand, there are several examples that cast some doubt on this assessment, be it the ease with which referential expressions outscope negation or the impact on further negation, just to name a few:   (3) Peter...
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Online-Talk by Jonathan Weinrich (GU) – April 23, Thursday 4-6 pm

We are happy to announce a talk by Jonathan Weinrich  (GU) next thursday at the Semantics Colloquium. Please find an abstract below. Since this talk will be held online, please note that you need to register beforehand. If you didn't do it yet, send an email to koepping@em.uni-frankfurt.de before April 22. You will receive a reply with the access data (to zoom) on thursday at 4pm (= immediately before the colloquium starts). Title: Gestural referents as SDRT anaphora Date: April 23rd Time: 4pm - 6pm Abstract: Lascarides & Stone (2009) outline a semantic approach to interpreting gestures. They integrate the gestures into the SDRT framework of Asher & Lascarides (2003) and allow them to combine by discourse relations. This involves the usage discourse referents in a DRT-like fashion. While they do not explicitly advocate the idea, a possible interpretation of their examples suggests that all gestural discourse referents are restricted in coreference by the same structural constraints as pronouns. As a start of my research into formal...
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Talk by Luisa Martí (Queen Mary, University of London) – Thursday 4-6 pm

We are happy to announce a talk by Luisa Martí  (Queen Mary, University of London) next Thursday at the Semantics Colloquium. Please find an abstract below. Title: The numeral+noun construction: typology and semantics Room: IG 4.301 Date: February 13th Time: 4pm – 6pm   Abstract: On the theoretical side, I show, building on previous work of mine, that putting together two theories, that of the typology of nominal number in Harbour (2014), and that of the syntax and semantics of numerals in Scontras (2014), leads to a number of predictions regarding how nouns will be marked for number when in the company of numerals (as in, e.g., English three apples, where apples is marked for plural) across languages. I consider two arguments for this proposal. The first argument is one of theoretical economy: in my proposal, one and the same set of tools accounts for both the number marking on the noun and the semantics of the construction. This is more economical than accounting for the semantics of...
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Talk by Frank Sode – Thursday 6th 4-6 pm

We are happy to announce a talk by Frank Sode (Goethe Universität). Please find an abstract below. Title: The syntax and semantics of suppletive "wenn"-clauses: Evidence from V2 Room: IG 4.301 Date: February 6th Time: 4pm - 6pm Abstract: As Williams (1974) observed, the sentence in (1-a) can have a reading that can be paraphrased as in (1-b). (1) a. I would be happy if Bill were here.      b. I would be happy that Bill was here, if he were. Pesetsky (1991) argues that Williams' paraphrase is "more than a mere paraphrase". According to Pesetsky (1991), something like (1-b) is an actual syntactic representation of (1-a) at some level of the derivation. It is well-known that V2-clauses in German can alternate with suppletive "wenn"-clauses in construction with preference predicates, see for example Frank (1998), Meinunger (2004), Meinunger (2007). (2) a. Es ist besser, wenn du kommst.           It is better if you come       b. Es ist besser, du kommst.           It is better you come       Both: 'It is...
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Talk by Roland Hinterhölzl – Thursday 30th 4-6pm

We are happy to announce a talk by Roland Hinterhölzl  (Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia) next Thursday at the Semantics Colloquium. Please find an abstract below. Title: A situation-based approach to (pro)nominal reference Room: IG 4.301 Date: January 30th Time: 4pm - 6pm Abstract: I will argue that nominal expressions relate an individual and a situation. In particular, I will discuss the interpretation of weak, strong and anaphoric or referential DPs and argue that the interpretation of their situation argument crucially depends on the presuppositions imposed by their determiner, with the default being (in the absence of a presupposition) that the situation argument is identified with the event denoted by the verb....
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